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«The introduction of «appellations d'origine» in Europe and Spain: wine types and wine quality. Juan Pan-Montojo (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid) ...»

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- the central position of France both within the group of producing countries and within the the group of importing countries, that enabled it to expand its technical standards and political solutions through bilateral agreements and through the O.I.V..

- the spread of corporatist ideology in continental Europe as an alternative to growing anticapitalistic political projects: corporatism was an important element in the development of appellations both because it gave a new political value to sector and geographic groups defending concrete interests and because it backed "natural" representations of production against


market forces.

Appellations of origin which had been born with the support of large wine houses and wine merchants and their political lobbies in the beginning of the century, opened the way to a much more general public regulation they rejected in general terms. The internal dynamic of Old and New Worlds: the Global Challenges of Rural History | International Conference, Lisbon, ISCTE-IUL, 27-30 January 2016 appellations, administrative activity and pressure from organised viticulturists turned controls inevitable.

The transition towards controlled appellations had another effect: its generalisation to wines that did not enjoy any fame. The idea of appellation as a control of quality obliged houses with known labels to come under their shelter and accept public controls: they could not afford being identified as not capable of meeting general requirements. By the same token, those wines that did not use appellations became automatically common wines. From the existence of controlled appellations onwards, it was an administrative act the one that could create prestige at the eyes of the consumers and save wines from the difficult world of pure competition via prices.

Therefore, appellations became a necessary condition for almost any policy of product differentiation. A process that was interesting for bureaucrats and politicians who wanted to increase the average quality of commercialised wines, to defend them against temperance and anti-alcohol movements, augment fiscal revenues and improve stabilising policies. It was a process obviously fostered by producers' associations, in a clear attempt to escape the tendency to overproduction that characterised the market for common wine43.

Controlled appellations had however clear costs. They explain why until recently and in a very different context, the amount of European wine sold under appellation has been relatively small.

In the first place, appellations faced the political cost of decisions concerning wine-types (that place in a very diverse position existing producers and their practices) and the financial costs of establishing permanent controls. They were two very different types of costs that some governments tried to transfer to producers. Self-regulation was not very easy either, given the large amount of people, their contradictory interests, and the unequal and heterogeneous nature of those involved in any such operation. Self-regulation tended to result into flexible norms, unable to fix a wine with specific character. In the second place there was a limit in the amount of wine to be protected by controlled appellations because their creation had to be followed by a profound transformation of productive practices. Many wine-growers were unable to face the necessary investments. Others were unwilling to alter their cultivation techniques and their choice of varieties without price controls, since it could lead to the loss of investments because of the monopsonic position of wine-merchants and wine producers. That is why, very often large landowners or wine companies that owned their vineyards were the only ones that decided to join in appellations. Wherever grape-production and wine-production were separate the appellations were much less successful.

Therefore, the wine market that was born out of the political options of the 1930s was divided between a minor group of wines under controlled appellations and a much larger section of common wines. The first market included some of the 19th century export wines and some newcomers that enjoyed a local prestige or obtained it through appellations, and was characterised by higher prices and more stable sales. Did this have anything to do with wine quality? Quality is a polysemic concept and in the wine world it reflects high prices for differentiated products (premium wines), on the one hand, and good traits at different levels, on the other. Those good traits are neither universal nor static. Truthfulness is about the only one that can be always included among those that characterise a good wine: it should correspond to what we expect from it in terms of chemical composition, organoleptic features, and origin.

Controlled appellations facilitated, when they introduced effective control mechanisms, a more transparent wine market. In the second place, appellations contributed to change the meaning of quality: terroirs, varieties and the introduction of good “traditional”(!) practices helped to create a new understanding of wine quality. However, they were not born to improve quality as we have seen, but to protect certain economic groups: an original orientation that has continued. Roudié (1988) points to a quasi-total correlations between villages with a syndicat and subregional appellations in the Bordelais.

Old and New Worlds: the Global Challenges of Rural History | International Conference, Lisbon, ISCTE-IUL, 27-30 January 2016 over time until today. Quality –in the sense of transparency and healthiness- was the aim of the general wine legislation, a contentious policy field that was to a certain extent by-passed by the regulation of premium wines.

Bibliography Actas (1908): Actas de las sesiones ordinarias celebradas por la Excma. Diputación Provincial de la M.N. y M.L. Provincia de Alava los días 1 de Octubre, 2, 4, 5, 7, 10, 14, 19 y 27 de Noviembre, 1 y 2 de Diciembre de 1908, 22 de y 26 de Enero, 12 y 15 de Marzo y 2 de Abril siendo su Presidente el Sr. D. Eduardo Velasco, Vitoria, Imprenta Provincial de Alava.

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Antonio CABRAL CHAMORRO (1987), "Observaciones sobre la regulación y ordenación del mercado del vino en Jerez de la Frontera 1850-1935: los antecedentes del consejo regulador de la denominación de origen "Jerez-Xérès-Sherry"", in Agricultura y Sociedad, nº 44, July-September, pp. 171-197.

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Diego CARO (1996), "Los problemas del vino: la reforma del consejo regulador del "Jerez" en 1935", in Actas del II Congreso de Historia de Andalucía, Córdoba, Consejería de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía y Obra Social y Cultural Cajasur, pp. 205-211.

Carlos COELLO MARTÍN (2008), Las bases históricas y administrativas del derecho vitivinícola español. El sistema jurídico de las denominaciones de origen, Sevilla, Junta de Andalucía.

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Léon DOUARCHE (1933), La question du vin à la Conférence Économique et Monetaire de Londres. Comptes rendus des travaux de la Conférence, Paris, Librairie Félix Alcain.

Jean DUFFORT (1968), L'organisation internationale du marché du vin, Paris, Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence.

Eva FERNÁNDEZ (2008), «El fracaso del lobby viticultor en España frente al objetivo industrializador del Estado, 1920-1936», Historia agraria, 45, agosto, pp. 113-141.

Old and New Worlds: the Global Challenges of Rural History | International Conference, Lisbon, ISCTE-IUL, 27-30 January 2016 Carlos FERNANDEZ NOVOA (1970), La protección internacional de las denominaciones geográficas de los productos, Madrid, Tecnos.

Dulce FREIRE (2010), Produzir e beber. A questão do vinho no Estado Novo, Lisboa, Âncora Editores.

Charles P. KINDLEBERGER (2000), "Standards as Public, Collective and Private Goods" en Comparative Political Economy. A Retrospective, Cambridge, MIT Press.

Mariano LÓPEZ BENÍTEZ (1996), Las denominaciones de origen, Barcelona, Cedesc.

Leo A. LOUBÈRE (1990), The Wine Revolution in France. The Twentieth Century, Princeton, Princeton University Press.

Conceiçao Andrade MARTINS (1990), Memória do vinho do Porto, Lisboa, Instituto de Ciências Sociais.

Ludger MEES (1992), "La vitivinicultura en Navarra y La Rioja: economía, sociedad y política de intereses (1850-1940)", in Gerónimo de Uztáriz, nº 6/7, pp. 147-181.

Vital MOREIRA (1998), O Governo de Baco. A organizaçao institucional do Vinho do Porto, Port, Afrontamento.

Carlos NAVAJAS ZUBELDÍA (1995), ""Cosecheros" contra "comerciantes". Los antecedentes inmediatos de la creación del Consejo Regulador de la denominación vinícola "Rioja"", Berceo, 129, pp. 175-188.

Juan PAN-MONTOJO (1994), La bodega del mundo. La vid y el vino en España (1800-1936), Madrid, Alianza.

Juan PAN-MONTOJO and Núria PUIG (1995), "Grupos de interés y regulación pública del mercado de alcoholes" in Revista de Historia Económica, nº 2, Primavera-Verano, pp.


Juan PAN-MONTOJO and James SIMPSON (1997), "El comercio internacional de vinos, 1850in El comercio internacional de la agricultura española (1850-1995), proceedings of the VI Congreso de la Asociación de Historia Económica, Girona, 15-17 of September.

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André ROUANET DE VIGNE LAVIT (1935), Le problème international du vin, Montpellier, Imprimèrie Mari-Lavit.

Philippe ROUDIÉ (1988), Vignobles et vins du Bordelais (1850-1980), París, CNRS.

Nuno SIMÕES (1932), Os vinhos do Porto e a defesa internacional da sua marca, Coimbra, Imprensa da Universidade.

Old and New Worlds: the Global Challenges of Rural History | International Conference, Lisbon, ISCTE-IUL, 27-30 January 2016 James SIMPSON (2011), Creating Wine. The Emergence of a World Industry, 1840-1914, Princeton, Princeton University Press.

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